da BBB » gio feb 02, 2006 15:51 pm
Italy's election: no laughing matter
Geoff Andrews
1 - 2 - 2006
Silvio Berlusconi hopes that an intense media blitz will help sustain
him in power, but Geoff Andrews finds that Italy's comic artists have
other ideas.
------------------------------------------
The Italian general election, now set for 9 April 2006, will be one of
the most important of the last sixty years. It will also be one of the
dirtiest. Silvio Berlusconi, Italy's richest man and prime minister, is
currently trailing by an average 6% in opinion polls ? but he is not
going to vacate Palazzo Chigi without a fight. Many believe that if Il
Cavaliere were to lose the election he would face a surge of legal cases
brought on grounds of alleged corruption and attempts to bribe judges.
In power, Berlusconi has created his own architecture of parliamentary
privilege and immunity; once defeated, this protection would slip away.
This is why he has been so belligerent in his attacks on the opposition.
For the last five years he has sustained a consistent tirade against
Jacobin judges, subversive intellectuals and communist conspirators. The
television stations he controls have removed comedians from the
airwaves, and his legal teams have dished out frequent writs to authors
and critics on grounds of "defamation". In December, his Casa delle
Libertà (House of Liberties) coalition even rushed through changes to
the electoral system, in a bid to keep his unpopular government in
power. Meanwhile, with massive media resources at his disposal, he has
been able to taunt the opposition, while benefiting from meticulous
coverage of his own achievements.
A fragile opposition
Berlusconi's latest attack, launched by one of his own newspapers, both
questions the capabilities of the opposition and sets a rancorous tone
for the campaign weeks ahead. Il Giornale published transcripts of a
telephone conversation between Piero Fassino, the leader of the
Democratici di Sinistra (Left Democrats / DS), Italy's biggest
opposition party, and Giovanni Consorte, chairman of Unipol, an
insurance company in the control of Italy's cooperative movement. Unipol
had recently been involved in a takeover controversy that had led to the
resignation of Antonio Fazio, the governor of Italy's central bank,
after allegations of insider trading and abuse of office. In the
recorded phone conversation Fassino tells Consorte (who is currently
under investigation): "So then. We're the bosses of a bank".
Berlusconi's tactic here was to show that the centre-left was no
different from his own government: that they, too, have trouble
separating politics and business. To some extent this is a desperate act
of a fading and discredited leader. After all, Berlusconi has not only
become a joke around Europe, with one gaffe followed by another, but his
claim that he would make ordinary Italians richer has also backfired.
Those who were less concerned about his merits as a statesman than his
prowess as a salesman have become disillusioned. As the Economist
reported in November, Italy's economy is in a "long, slow decline".
Yet the Fassino affair has also exposed Italy's centre-left opposition
as fragile, divided, and lacking political conviction. Many leaders,
such as former prime minister Massimo D'Alema, were quick to defend
Fassino, while others urged him to accept that he had made an error.
Apart from creating more divisions within the leadership, the affair has
cast doubt on whether the centre-left Unione can provide a credible
alternative to Berlusconi. Its ability to project a distinctive
alternative is not merely one of policy but whether it has the vision
and courage to mobilise an increasingly disaffected electorate.
This is a long-lasting problem that can be traced to the centre-left
l'Ulivo (Olive tree) government of 1996-2001, which lacked a clear idea
of reform and ? critically in light of later developments ? failed to
legislate against Berlusconi's "conflicts of interest". Intent on
pursuing his mission of turning Italy into a "normal country", Massimo
D'Alema wasted fruitless hours in negotiating with Berlusconi (then
leader of the opposition) in a bicameral commission which would
supposedly clear the way for a conventional two-party system, in which
his own DS and Berlusconi's Forza Italia! would be the main players. In
exchange for Berlusconi's cooperation, D'Alema agreed to curb the power
of the judges.
In the event Berlusconi walked away from the negotiations, leaving
D'Alema's reforms in tatters and his own interests untouched. Lessons
don't seem to have been learned, however. Not only are murky deals
evident once again, but misguided assumptions that normal rules can
apply in the contemporary Italian case continue to pre-occupy
centre-left leaders. One example is the attempt by Romano Prodi,
Berlusconi's rival in the forthcoming election, to mould his disparate
coalition of ex-communists, socialists and Christian democrats into a
new Democratic Party.
More serious is the credibility afforded to Gianfranco Fini and his
"post-fascist" Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) party. Antonio
Polito, editor of the centre-left Riformista, has even compared Fini ?
Italy's foreign minister, and Berlusconi's likely successor as leader of
the Italian right ? to Tony Blair and John F Kennedy. True, foreign
secretary Fini is a clever politician who has attempted to position his
party alongside the mainstream European right. A closer look at the
bigger picture, however, makes nonsense of this objective. Part of his
party's role in government has been to rewrite the past by undermining
the role of the anti-fascist resistance. The latest parliamentary bill,
which honours soldiers who served in Mussolini's fascist republic of
Saló with the same status as Italian partisans, follows changes to the
school history curriculum and refusal to celebrate 25 April, Italy's
national day of liberation from fascism.
A creative dissent
For a more intellectually honest and imaginative opposition capable of
rousing civil society, we have to turn to Italy's artists, intellectuals
and citizen movements. An early example of this was Nanni Moretti's
intervention in February 2002, when he told a packed crowd in Piazza
Navona that "we will never win" with the current crop of centre-left
leaders seated behind him. This led to the Girotondi movement which has
been crucial in keeping the bigger picture of Berlusconi's "conflicts of
interest" on the political agenda.
If the big movements of 2002 ? which, in addition to the Girotondi,
included the workers' opposition to labour laws and the anti-global and
peace movements ? are not as strong as they were, then the most creative
dissent continues to come from the theatres and piazzas. In early
January 2006, the comedian Sabina Guzzanti hosted a convention in Rome
of artists and citizens committed to an alternative television system.
Teatro Ambra Jovinelli was packed as Italian's best known comedians one
by one pledged their support for a new public-service TV station, free
of censorship and no longer monopolised by either Berlusconi's own
Mediaset or RAI, the public broadcaster which had long been under the
control of politicians, even before Berlusconi took power.
Guzzanti knows something about censorship. In 2003, her satirical
programme Raiot (pronounced riot) was taken off the air after only one
episode after her employers at RAI 3 were worried by Mediaset's
complaint of "lies and extremely serious insinuations". For the next
programme, Guzzanti was forced to retreat to a Rome theatre.
In 2005, however, she responded with her film, Viva Zapatero!, a
political, Michael-Moore-like documentary, in which she tells her
personal story of censorship in the context of the wider eradication of
civil liberties in Italy. The film shows her interviewing members of the
government as well as comedians from other countries. It won a
fifteen-minute standing ovation at the Venice film festival and has had
a wide viewing in Italy.
Italy's most popular comedian, Beppe Grillo, who has also had to find
other ways to work, recently started a "clean up parliament" campaign,
in which he named twenty-three Italian politicians who had been
convicted of criminal offences. This appeared as a full-page
advertisement in the International Herald Tribune, with Grillo asking if
there is "another state in the world in which 23 members of parliament
have been convicted of a variety of crimes and yet are allowed to sit in
parliament and represent their citizens?" His remarkably successful blog
has become an innovative vehicle of dissent.
Such creative forms of political intervention are occasionally
accompanied by the irruption of artists into the electoral field itself:
the dramatist and Nobel laureate Dario Fo's effort to win the
centre-left candidature for the mayoralty of Milan is the most recent
example. More significant than such campaigns is that the comedians have
breathed new life into Italy's ailing body politic. This is because they
have gone where politicians fear and, in their own way, have asked the
right questions.
"Bin Laden can get on TV but I can't", as the subtitle of Daniele
Luttazzi's DVD put it. When Italy was ranked fifty-third in a worldwide
index of media freedom, Sabina Guzzanti asked her audience: "Did you
hear anything about that in the news? But then again, if you had we
would not be ranked fifty-third, would we?" It is too early to say who
will have the last laugh on 9 April, but Italy's centre-left will have
to do more than wait for Berlusconi to make his next gaffe.
This article is published by Geoff Andrews, and openDemocracy.net under
a Creative Commons licence. You may republish it free of charge with
attribution for non-commercial purposes following these guidelines. If
you teach at a university we ask that your department make a donation.
Commercial media must contact us for permission and fees. Some articles
on this site are published under different terms.